Monday, June 9, 2008

Body Lice In Sheets At Hotel

Interview Interview Interview Georges Moustaki

Interview by David Reinharc


David Reinharc: You go out Actes Sud seven novels across the country , short stories inspired by the Middle East. What difference do you make between your Jewish identity and that identity that you claim as "Wandering Jew"?


Georges Moustaki: For me, being Jewish, Wandering Jew is to be, universal.
I do not feel any affiliation or a movement or a geographic location or a dogma of any kind.
The Wandering Jew is a cliché used my song for me to define what often seems universal.


DR: Right now it is anti-Semitic in the name of the universal against a small nation particular which is an affront to a world of brotherhood and mixed compound of "wandering Jew" , want to exist. other words, the anti-Semite Modern Jewish hate in the name of the "Wandering Jew" ...


GM: Here, we leave Semitism: the creation of a Jewish state has polarized the Jewish inspiration of a certain part of the Jewish population.
This is not because we are Jewish we are Zionist, not because it is Jewish is Israeli and what is not because we are Jewish we are in line with what Israeli leaders say.
I lived seventeen years of my life in Egypt without suffering from being Jewish, instead, was an identity highly respected.
If you go today in the synagogue of Alexandria, you will see that it is very secure, because there are conflicts in the region but it is not isolated: it is a welcoming place.
Unfortunately, the politics of the region and international politics make the gulf of misunderstanding is widening every day a little more but it is a manipulation of people power.
I like to think I am a Jew who belongs to a large community that has no flag, no country or borders or anything. I'm Jewish by the sensitivity to certain values. All
Otherwise, they are nationalists, antagonisms, people who compete unnecessarily and in my collection of stories, my intention is to debunk the value of this confrontation.
Done in a playful, smiling, humorous, poetic, but the message is: you build a wall and that wall that separates people eventually bring them together because they are suffering on both sides. This separation point becomes a point of contact.
For me, being Jewish is something one inherits: we can accept it or not. I am a Jew because they told me that I was Jewish, I was circumcised, I Do a minimum of ritual. But I have not been integrated into a Jewish thought at some point in my life whatsoever.


RD: Your father was not a believer ...


GM: And my mother was away. Our identity is not defined by our Jewishness.
We were both Greeks and Italians - because qu'Italophones. By living in Egypt, had also married Egyptian lifestyle and being Jewish, was one of the many hats that identity could have. Therefore
for which I am opposed to what is sometimes fit in a community to which I belong not totally because I belong to others at the same time.
I agree with both the French culture as a susceptibility Jewish or Egyptian lifestyle and I did not feel compelled to make a choice.


DR: Even if your Jewishness does not exhaust all your identity when you condemn and attack as a Jew, do not you answer a Jew?


GM: I never been attacked as a Jew. I do not know how I would react.


DR: You'll do two concerts in Tel Aviv.
Will you sing on the "holy land" as you would sing anywhere else?


GM. : Not like anywhere because I have friends and relatives.
And is the Middle East, a story to which I belong even if not totally.
If I decided to become Israeli, I would get anyway this law of return.
There are countries with which I weave and Israel links in part but not a separate country.


DR: In the album Vagabond you sing Private: story of a Jew who goes disillusioned ...


GM: Yes, a fundamental disappointment: he would rather be a farmer and became a soldier.


DR: by force of circumstance ...


GM: We can say things like that. It has not announced initially that it would become fighter and he would risk killing people. It is party making the desert bloom and was asked to take a gun and commit suicide.
This is not an indictment against the country but against the warmongering, against deception, against people who can say things and make others.
This was controversial in the Jewish community who accused me of being antisemitic, anti Israel.
But I think this song could have been written by one of those who founded the settlements of Gaza. They were cheated the same way. They were told: "You're home, it's your country." They went there and they have become pariahs. It
Song of the doubt, lies, it's a song against war, against imposture.


DR: About the size of two French departments, surrounded by 22 hostile countries, do not you attack heroically to a colossus with feet of clay?


GM: No, Israel is very strong. He does not have feet of clay.
Its danger is the force that prevents a human opening sometimes.


DR: It's not hard to talk about Israel without living there while the Israelis are suffering in their flesh and know all the days of anguish, suffering, anguish?


GM: You've noticed that I have not been conclusive ruling on Israel.
It's almost a country like the others I am not authorized to speak authoritatively.
This country has many strengths and, yes, he has feet of clay but this weakness is its excessive force. He developed an attitude of supremacy that blocks the relations with its neighbors.
is a vicious cycle: violence breeds violence in both directions and there are not that hype power, one would like to talk rather than fight. My Jewishness
train inclinations sometimes sentimental, sometimes it's personal, other times through the news I get but I'm not very keen vision of anything.
My songs are works of emotion and not works of criticism or controversy, and even less analysis.
The soldier's song is a song with emotion: I do not generalize, I talk to the first.
What these soldiers are forced to fight, that the survival of their countries depend, I agree. I do not know what I would do it for them. But I make things as I see.
Speaking of Israel without being there or being? There is an emotional bond that developed between the Jews and the country. But this is not a matter of daily, is a country that has its leaders, its army, its artists, its power. its weakness. One can not constantly be listening to what is happening. I wish Israel
leaders like Rabin, intellectuals like Leibowitz, who had a lofty vision of the country's history.
I hope Israel is not the strongest or most successful but better fed values that have contributed to its existence.


DR: What is an obstacle to peace today is the Palestinian claim of "right of return". Do you understand?


GM: Things have changed: the law of return evokes the Palestinians today is no longer viable.


DR: Yet this claim that has derailed the Camp David and Taba!


GM: It was not that. It is true that the law of return is something that needs to be examined with a spirit of justice. We must find a way to bring justice to people who have been cheated, it is indispensable.
was just a bargaining issue and it was accepted as such.


DR: Is there too, in this case, negotiate the right of return for Jews who left Arab countries?


GM: I think it's just rhetoric.
Jews who left Arab countries are parties, in their majority, voluntarily. Some were driven
but from the time the conflict has perverted the situation reports.
I lived in Egypt seventeen years and I've never been attacked as a Jew, I have not suffered and I think there was a language to find that harmony continues.
I sing in Lebanon, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, I was invited to sing in Syria - but it will not happen.
my privilege not to give up my beliefs, do not give up my identity and to express myself in any sort of country. True
privilege because people can not dare do the same thing.


DR: You go too soon in Tel Aviv. What you imagine
peace for Israel with Palestine under Islamic rule?


GM: The danger of religious radicalization exists both in Israel and Arab countries.
These are weapons that are held up because people together. See Sharon puts the yarmulke to the Council of Ministers, which has nothing to do with the Zionist mission, secular ideology.
I would fight religious fanaticism if I could afford it, but I would fight anywhere.
wars of former Yugoslavia, are religious wars. The wars in the Middle East, too.
If you leave the field of religion, there is serenity.


DR: Nazism and communism, two world wars were made on behalf of atheism, no?


GM: Yes, they have taken over the ingredient with other clothes.
yesterday I saw on TV a film about the Gestapo was the transposition of religious indoctrination.


DR: You are the author of "Son of the fog." Do you understand these Ashkenazi Jews in the aftermath of the Holocaust, whose relatives had not been entitled to a burial who found there, in Israel, a land to die and thus to exist?


GM: I'm not a European. The Holocaust is part of a very painful story to the world. As a Jew, I never knew What was the emotional shock of the European Jews. I had a shock like any man of sensibility can have it. All this symbolism there, I can understand, approve, being moved but I have not lived in the same situation as those who have really suffered. I wrote a story about a friend of mine, Siegfried Meir, who spent his childhood Auschwitz. I realized how much suffering we can mark and destroy us. But having grown up in a different context, my report to this story is more intellectual than lived.


DR: In this case, you must surely understand the terrible anxiety of the Israelis, when reading this excerpt from the preamble of the Charter of Hamas, winner of the elections, "Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Does Islam to destroy it, as it has destroyed other before. "


GM: What are the speeches that we should not ignore but it must not be used to raise the sauce.


DR: January 39, Hitler "prophesied" the "extermination of the Jews."
Everything was written in Mein Kampf ...


GM: I have not read Mein Kampf . I was told that Hitler had a Jewish grandmother. I was told many things.
There are those who are in line with those of which you speak and there Yossi Beilin met a Palestinian who sees and constructive contacts rather than look for reasons to hate and make war.


DR: Nevermind the monstrous rumor about an alleged Jewish grandmother Hitler ...
You are multilingual. Have you seen the beautiful film Nurith Aviv that evokes the intimate bond forged between the Hebrew language learned and adopted and the language of childhood?


GM: Yes and I really enjoyed it. I changed four times languages: Greek, Italian, Arabic and French. No language has obscured another. French is the language I was most enriched. But I did not get rid of another language. Instead, the French I speak is fed Knowledge of other languages. I even learned Hebrew thereafter, English, Portuguese. What is difficult for some immigrants, whose language of communication is more professional tool is to arrive in Israel and having to sacrifice the language that was as important a part of their lives. I have not been placed in this case but it's true that the challenge of reviving a language and make it a natural language to create a nation requires sacrifices. And those sacrifices there are very demanding. This, at least how I decoded the film.


DR: So we will soon have the pleasure to listen to Israel.
Do you sing the same songs today? Something does change in you that you will sing differently?


GM: I do not do songs from an era. I belong to an era that makes me want to write songs. But at the same time, this is not solely dependent on what happens around me. Yal'inspiration it from the outside and one inside. I wrote songs that seem timeless. I always sing and they still face the same plays. There is the same reaction to my songs today than thirty years ago. My creative vision is not aligned to what is happening in the world. I am neither a writer nor a journalist. Let the news is timeless, it is sometimes.


interview published in Israel Magazine No. 63

Gold Desert Eagle Airsoft

Nicolas Sarkozy



Interview by David Del Valle and Alexander Reinharc


The results of the first round of presidential elections in France demonstrate the popularity of Nicolas Sarkozy to the French-Israeli voters. 82% voted for him. On the eve of the second round of elections, the UMP candidate wished to share his vision of France, Europe and the Middle East through the Jerusalem Post French edition.

- You are in Europe and around the world the image of a human right to safe and liberal positions, not to mention your "Atlantis", pro-Israel and pro-American that appeals to many Israelis, but the Franco-less at the European left. Do you consider this perception accurate and fair?

- Well, tell me, I think you have not forgotten anything. This is the complete list of the most caricatured features typically used by those who in general are not very good intentions towards me. This perception is obviously not true or fair. I wanted to be the nominee of a Republican right uninhibited finally not to be left, a right to safe values: work, authority, the primacy of the victim about the offender, effort, merit, the rejection of the assistantship, egalitarianism and leveling down. Does that make me a man of the hard right?

I used in my ministerial responsibilities in combating and reducing uncertainty that had literally exploded under the leftist government of Lionel Jospin.

I have obtained significant results and I think tomorrow they will be comforted by improving the overall functioning of the chain criminal, in particular to better fight against recidivism and the feeling of impunity for minors multi-repeaters. Does that make me a man to secure positions?

In economic matters, I am first and foremost a follower of pragmatism. I believe in economic freedom. I think the market economy. But I also know that the market does not say everything and can not do everything. I believe in political voluntarism in industrial and technological development, and I do not regret having made the choice to intervene to save Alstom, a thriving business returned. Does that make me a liberal?

I am deeply attached to the independence of France and of Europe vis-à-vis any power whatsoever. And I regret that the EU does not show more unity, realism and autonomy in its economic and trade relations with other world regions, as in its foreign policy and defense. I do not see this as inconsistent with the fact of considering the U.S. as a great democracy with which we have many common values and close historical unwavering. Nor do I see no incompatibility between recognizing the right of Palestinians to have a viable state and is considered Israel's security as non-negotiable. Does that make me an "Atlanticist", a "pro-Israel" and a "pro-American"? It is a reading that at least lack the most basic subtlety. The truth is that those who say that are anti-Israel and anti-Americans. They wright instead of bashing others.

- Can you make a review and outlook for the future of the institution of the French Council the Muslim faith and dialogue between the French government and the leader of the council, Dalil Boubaker?

- I am indeed deeply involved in the creation of the CFCM, the representative body of Muslims in France and its regional that are

25 CRCM. Why? Because I prefer an Islam of France, in line with the values and rules of our republic, an Islam in France, which remain subject to foreign influences.

The CFCM together the different currents of thought of Muslims and allows a dialogue between them, but also, of course, with government and other parts of French society.

Specifically, the CFCM deals with the construction of mosques, the management of Muslim cemeteries, the organization of religious festivals, the appointment of chaplains in hospitals, colleges and prisons, but also the training of imams.

CFCM's record since its inception in 2003 is positive and encouraging for me. Besides, I am convinced that no government in the future, whatever it is, does call into question its existence and its aims.

- Security and immigration are topics on which you have the most worked as Interior Minister. What do you think of the European directive, which covers both the exchange of information among the various intelligence services and the harmonization of laws that regulate the arrival of illegal immigrants?

- You're probably referring to the proposed directive on the return of illegal immigrants. The European Commission considered it necessary to pass a new milestone in the harmonization of procedures for removal.

is undeniably a good thing, provided that states may still retain some flexibility.

As for cooperation in information exchange between different European countries, I think essential, whether to fight against illegal immigration, including through the forthcoming information on visas or against organized crime networks that thrive by exploiting the misery and desperation of men.

More broadly, I hope that European states can go further tomorrow in furthering the coordination of their policies on immigration, asylum and border control. In my responsibilities as Minister of Interior, I have had the opportunity to submit proposals to our partners in this regard.

- You have often said they wanted to review the law on secularism in 1905. How do you think it can be changed and in which direction?

- There was never any question for me to change the fundamental principles of the 1905 Act. This law is not law but a law of prohibition of clarification of the relationship between state and religion. It is a law that ensures tolerance at once the freedom of conscience and the neutrality of the state, ie the equality of religions before the public.

I just wanted to undertake a reflection on the need for a new Washing, to take into account a new reality: the fact that Islam, which has now become the second religion in France after Catholicism, was virtually nonexistent in our territory in 1905. I would also point out that this law has been amended thirteen times! An expert report which was handed to me last September recommended me to develop legislation to give municipalities the option properly framed to help if needed investment worship.

If this issue could be studied, is partly because it is not fair that the followers of certain faiths emerged recently in our territory have difficulty practicing their religion. I do not think it is nevertheless appropriate to legislate without first having obtained a very broad consensus. To legislate on these sensitive issues, the agreement of the vast majority of French people and different communities of worship seems mandatory.

- You know that the issue of Lebanon is a major concern as a neighboring country. In Lebanon, the European soldiers have complied with the UN resolution for a multilateral force along the border with Israel. Some UN reports indicate the rearmament of Hezbollah. Do you think that the UNIFIL mission to be redesigned to be effective?

- The mission "UNIFIL 2", established by resolution 1701 Security Council UN was given a realistic mandate, to ensure that a cease-fire lasting between Israel and Lebanese parties. It is generally well received so far, no doubt, moreover, because France, under the watchful leadership of Jacques Chirac, had insisted from the outset that the conditions for effective action by the international force are met: a clear mandate and strengthened against the UNIFIL rules of commitment predefined.

However, the balance remains fragile in the region. The disarmament of militias in particular, fundamental for stability, must remain a major concern for the Lebanese government. UNIFIL more than 2, the latter to organize the abandonment of arms by the militias and to prevent reset some of them providing a true control of the Syrian-Lebanese border.

What is desirable is that the Lebanese political process could be restarted, the Lebanese resume their full destiny in hand and find the path of internal dialogue. The laying down of arms to the legitimate authorities of Lebanon would be the best guarantee of a return to sustainable peace.

- What do you think the Saudi peace plan launched in spring 2002 returned to the agenda, particularly the "return of refugees" as "mandatory condition *?

- As you know, France has since 2002 supported the Saudi initiative for peace, as it supported the efforts of all those who have sought to resolve through peaceful Israeli conflict Palestinians.

For my part, I consider this initiative, recently revived at the Riyadh summit, to be useful to allow the resumption of the peace process. If you want peace and stability, one must start by talking, especially between neighbors. Without departing from the current impasse through a negotiated settlement, which the fate of refugees is an element.

That said, I am obviously concerned about the balance between on the one hand, Israel's right to security and recognition of its neighbors, on the other hand, the right of Palestinians to a state. I am very deeply committed to this balance.

There are viable and sustainable solution in ensuring that Israel will not have threatened its existence, but in reasserting the role of the Palestinians to organize themselves into a viable state.

- The security barrier erected by Israel is she in your opinion, Article 51 of the UN Charter recognizes the right of legitimate defense of Israel against terrorist attacks? Do you think Hezbollah should be listed by the EU and France on the list of terrorist organizations?

- You know, I defend Israel's right to protect itself against external aggression, especially when they take the form of such cowardly and indiscriminate acts as terrorist acts. But measures taken must not condemn the search for a negotiated peace. They must be appropriate and proportionate.

Moreover, the peace of Israel today depends largely on increased capacity of police and policing in the Palestinian territories. It will depend on the future character of the viable Palestinian state, including its continuity.

regard to Hezbollah, I understand that we can ask the question you raise given the attitude of this organization and means that he sometimes used. I do am not convinced, however, the usefulness of having such a debate in the Lebanese context where it is necessary to seek appeasement. I can only be in favor of applying all the provisions of resolution 1559, which includes the disarmament of Hezbollah. If it is the political party which he said he really behaves itself and finally laid down their arms.

- You want to resume the construction of Europe by a simplified treaty to be submitted to Parliament through a democratic convention named ad hoc. What are you going to build alliances with your European partners, to achieve this? Against Turkey as a permanent member of the EU, you launched the idea of a Mediterranean Union. Do you have a Mediterranean policy?

- It is almost two years that Europe has failed because of rejection by two founding nations, including France, the European Constitutional Treaty. This is unfortunate, but we can not help but take note and try to imagine alternatives to exit all of the current crisis. Because it will not be possible to restart Europe and build large European projects for the future with existing institutions that were not designed for an EU of 27 members.

But two years of inaction, that is enough. When the European project is not moving it back, and he declined even more rapidly than the world is changing so fast and he does not expect us. So, pending more ambitious redesigns that can best intervene before the next European Parliament elections, that is to say not before 2009, I propose to resume without delay all the more consensual the first part of the draft Constitutional Treaty. I call it the simplified treaty. I am convinced that a consensus between the different member states can be found quickly on this basis. I trust the good will, realism and the desire to advance all of our partners.

regards Turkey, it is a great country and a great ally for whom I have great respect. If I am opposed to membership, not because I am against Turkey but because I am for a political Europe. It seems to me that there would be fundamental contradiction between the accession of Turkey and the project of a more integrated Europe politically.

The European Union can not expand indefinitely and must have borders. And I think that for historical, geographical and cultural differences, Turkey is not intended to be within those boundaries. Except that these are common borders with Syria tomorrow or Iraq, which seems difficult to accept. I also remind you that when the prospect of Turkish membership was considered, it was y after 45 years at the time, he was joining a common market, customs union, not a political union.

I therefore call for the establishment of a strategic partnership, economic and cultural as privileged with Turkey as with other states around the Mediterranean. The Euro-Mediterranean union that I proposed within this framework. Europe at the obvious, starting with France and Italy, can not turn our backs on the Mediterranean, which is a data structure of its identity as its stability.

- Iran is still a threat more imminent. Some countries like France, Spain and Italy are for a line of dialogue more markedly than other members of the international community. What is your position relative to the regime of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad?

- On Iran, I would once again be very clear. It is unacceptable and dangerous than Iran having a nuclear weapons capability. It is for Iran to restore confidence about the nature of its nuclear activities. That is what the Security Council UN has served in Tehran by voting unanimously resolution 1737.

L'important dans cette crise est de maintenir la fermeté et l'unité de la communauté internationale face à cette épreuve de vérité pour sa détermination à contenir les risques de prolifération. This is the meaning of the action of Europeans since 2003. This policy of firmness and dialogue is now shared by all permanent members of the Security Council. It in this continuity that will fit my action if I am elected.

regards Mr Ahmadinejad, let me remind you what I have already taken on his attitude and positions. Its operations calling for the destruction of Israel or denying the reality of the Holocaust are totally unacceptable and irresponsible. I'm also not sure whether they were shared by a majority of Iranians, far from that.

- Quote of the Crown Prince Abdallah Ashark al Awsat, May 11, 2002.

interview published in the Jerusalem Post No. 839